I.
Assignment Overview: This assignment is based on an article
published in The Economists’ Voice titled ‘The Power of Awards’, by Bruno S. Frey ad Jana Gallus,
in 2014. The article is already attached to this assignment question. Please
read the article carefully before attempting this exercise. You will also need to draw on other
resources available
through the library as well
as external resources. Please note that you need to provide clear references for your sources
when citing research
and data.
II.
Learning
Objectives: This assignment
is designed to encourage you to think about the application of concepts learned
in this unit in a real world scenario. This assignment,
indeed, is interesting as it explains how the existing
economic theories can explain the implication of the power awards, in particular, how awards provide
incentives to individual members of an organisation or promote certain
norms in the society/organisation. We hope
that this assignment will expand the horizon of your thoughts.
III.
Assessment: Your
score on this
assignment contributes towards 40% of your final score for
this unit. Based on the attached Rubric, your assignment will be graded on your use of appropriate
economic theory and concepts, clarity of exposition and overall quality of your
answers. Although you can work in group, this is not a group assignment and you must
submit answers individually.
IV.
Submission: This assignment must
be submitted electronically on CloudDeakin (CD) Dropbox area by all students by 11:59pm on the due date.
No hard copy is required. Print
your name and student ID clearly on
the first page of your answers. Please check
the Academic Honesty and Misconduct section in the Unit Guide.
Submitting your answers automati- cally implies that you have read and accepted the Plagiarism and Collusion Declaration, and that the
submitted answers are entirely your own work.
V.
Questions: Answer all questions.
Limit the total word count of your assignment to less than 3,000 words. You are encouraged to provide necessary graphs,
figures and tables
with data wherever
possible, which are not subject to word limit. Please be careful in implementing referencing styles.
The Power of Awards - Bruno S. Freya,* and Jana Gallusb
Abstract: Every economist worth his or her salt will tell you that monetary
compensation is more efficient than all other forms of rewards. Awards have only received scant attention
in the economics literature. Yet, they
are ubiqui- tous. They can take many forms and include titles, prizes, orders,
medals, and still other types of decorations. We
outline the distinguishing characteristics of awards, especially in
comparison to monetary rewards, show the potential risks and emphasize where
awards are particularly useful.
Keywords: awards; incentives; intrinsic motivation; money; performance pay.
1 Introduction
Every economist worth his or her salt will tell you that monetary compensation
is more efficient than all other
forms of rewards. Money
is fungible and therefore yields most utility to the
recipient. It can be applied marginally, such that the desired performance can (in theory) be directly
induced. A second type of material reward is non-monetary and
takes the form of fringe
benefits such as a company car or a particularly attractive office.
These incentives are less efficient
but can never- theless be widely observed.
This can at least partly be explained by the tax-related
advantages they provide. More
recently, intrinsic motivation has been considered as a work incentive. A fourth category – awards – has received
only little atten- tion by economists. Exceptions are Hansen and Weisbrod’s article in the Journal of Political Economy and Besley’s unpublished “Notes on Honours.” Awards can take many forms and include
titles, prizes, orders, medals,
and still other
types of decorations. They clearly
are extrinsic incentives, though not of a material kind.
Awards are ubiquitous in practice. They are bestowed in great
numbers by heads of state – monarchs, presidents and chancellors alike. The
cultural sector is characterized by
award ceremonies such as the Oscars or Grammys. Success in sports is crowned with medals, trophies and
titles like that of the Sportsperson of
the Year. Managers are elected CEO of the Year, while workers
strive to be named
Employee
of the Month. Academics are eager to receive awards,
too, ranging from honorary doctorates to Fellowships of
prestigious academic societies [e.g., Fellow of the Royal Society, or Fellow of
the Econometric Society, which is analyzed in an article by Chan, Frey and
Gallus (2014)]. Even the Catholic Church relies on an elaborate system of honors, including post-mortem awards
such as notably the canonizations, which have
in recent years been made great use of. As shown in a working paper by
Barro, McCleary, and McQuoid, the beatification rate (the ratio of the number of beatified persons
to a pope’s tenure) reached
12 for John Paul II (1978–2005), while it had only been between 0 and 2 up until his tenure. Similar increases in the number of awards bestowed are discernible in many areas.
2 Difference between
Monetary Compensation and Awards
Awards differ
from pecuniary incentives in several ways. From
the point of view of the economic theory of incentives the following aspects
are of primary importance.
Giving awards is cheap. In the case of awards it is only non-monetary costs that matter. Awards
normally consist in a piece
of ribbon, a trophy or a document that can be displayed in the office.
However, if too many awards are handed out they lose their value. Choosing an
unworthy candidate produces considerable costs
for the giver
because of the resulting image
loss. The reputation of the World
Wildlife Fund, for
instance, was harmed
when its Honorary President, the King
of Spain, was caught hunting elephants and needed to have his title revoked.
In a few cases awards are accompanied by a large prize purse. The winner
of an (undivided) Nobel Prize gets
eight million Swedish
kronor (more than one
million U.S. dollars). Yet the honor going with the Prize is far
more important than the money. It
can safely be assumed that most scholars would be glad to accept the Prize even
if no money was attached to it – or that they would even be prepared to pay for it. An important
function of the money accompanying an award lies in
establishing its seriousness. However, the
sum of money is no guar- antee that a prize will enjoy commensurate prestige.
Thus, the Balzan Prize
for Humanity, Peace
and Fraternity Among
Peoples, bestowed every
3–5 years, enjoys far lower prestige than
the Nobel Prize though the winner receives
even 2 million Swiss francs (more than 2 million U.S. dollars).
Where performance can only be vaguely determined, awards have a compar- ative advantage over monetary incentives. “Performance pay” is appropriate only if
the performance criteria
are precisely determined and measured. This prerequi-
site is, however, rarely met in the case of complex
activities, as argued by Oster- loh and Frey in an article
in Organization Science.
If variable performance pay is applied, the
giver must concentrate on those parts of the performance that are measurable.
As a result, the potential recipients are induced to behave in a stra- tegic way and perform well only in those dimensions that are measured. For this reason, principal agent theory increasingly favors “encompassing” performance evaluations. Under some
conditions, as shown by Holmström and Milgrom in the Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, it is even better not to provide any explicit incentives. In that
case, work effort is upheld only if work morale happens to stay high.
Awards can be used when monetary compensation would induce
strategic behavior. They allow the principal to take into account
non-contractible activi- ties, such as helping a colleague. Awards are meant to honor general
forms of per- formance, as is the case with Lifetime Achievement Awards
given, for example, at film
festivals. In many
cases, the Nobel Prize
is bequeathed for a life’s work rather than for a specific
research success achieved
in the preceding year (although this would correspond to the original
intent of the founder).
Awards fulfill an important signaling function, which is analyzed in detail in a
paper by Frey and Gallus
(2014). They are
particularly valuable for
their recipients when revealing their talent and
commitment, allowing award winners
to engage in beneficial new commercial and personal relationships. By bequeathing awards,
the givers also send signals
about themselves. They can use the awards to show
which values they honor.
Given the publicity and
the important ceremonial com- ponent of award
programs, they can
also be employed for public relations aims.
Under specific conditions, monetary payments reduce work effort. They
crowd out intrinsic motivation if performance measurement is perceived as con-
trolling. If this crowding-out effect is stronger than the relative price
effect, the incentive will even induce a decrease in performance. Giving money may more-
over distort the positive signaling effect of “good deeds.” It becomes unclear whether the action was undertaken for its own sake, or with the goal of receiving
the money in return. The net effect on performance therefore can be positive or
negative. These considerations constitute a considerable extension of standard economic theory. In contrast to monetary
compensation, awards tend to foster intrinsic
motivation. They neither
require an explicit
performance measurement, nor do they negatively affect the recipient’s self-evaluation or reduce the
latter’s
self-determination. Rather, awards support their recipients’ activities as well as their self-image.
Awards also
forge special ties of loyalty. A recipient of an award
enters a bond of
loyalty with the
giver. Outsiders would consider accepting an award
but then turning against the
giver as being inconsistent. The respective person should have refused
the award if he or she does not agree
with the general
views held by the giver. The giver
also accepts to establish special
ties to the recipient. His or
her prestige suffers if the
recipient proves to be unworthy or rejects the
award. For these reasons,
award givers carefully check whether the potential recipients are worthy and whether
they are likely
to accept the
award.
Monetary payments do not establish any such bond of loyalty above and
beyond the performance contracted. In many cases people emphasize that they
perform a particular task solely
for the money, and that they have no further
con- nection or obligation to the person giving the money.
3
Awards Raise Welfare
Honoring a
person serves to bolster the norms of others undertaking similar activities or
upholding similar attitudes. These persons experience an improved
self-evaluation and rise in the regard of third parties,
which increases their
utility. Moreover, awards can substitute for other means of getting
social approval, such as
luxury consumption, which
induces negative external
effects. Awards
change the implicit relative price in favor of the activities they
honor. They are often used to remunerate social engagements. This allows persons
engaging in similar activities to identify themselves with the award recipients and “bask in
reflected glory.” The
many awards received
by Mother Teresa
may serve as an example. Honoring a person for his or her performance moreover shifts the reference point of
other persons for
their own behavior. This effect can
increase effort in the activ-
ity concerned.
4
Potential Risks
As awards need
to be kept scarce so that they retain their value, many persons will not be honored.
Especially in the context of organizations, where the group of candidates
who might have been awarded is
clearly delineated, this risks entailing negative reactions by non-recipients.
Lower job satisfaction and per- formance, refusal to cooperate, or outright sabotage
may be the result. For award
bestowals to have a positive
aggregate effect, givers need to take this risk into account and make
corresponding adjustments to the awards they employ (e.g., with respect
to the number, frequency, and variety of awards bestowed).
5 Where are Awards Particularly Useful?
Awards
have a
comparative advantage if the conditions for performance pay – encompassing and precise performance measurement –
can be fulfilled only at high cost,
or not at all, or if a marked crowding-out effect of intrinsic motivation is to be expected. Awards therefore
play an important role in the voluntary
sector. Awards are,
of course, unsuitable in many situations – as are other extrinsic incentives. The gist of this contribution is to question the materially oriented
focus on motivation and incentives. Non-monetary rewards, in particular providing
honor through awards, should be accorded more attention in the economics
literature. The stress on monetary rewards
as the most important driver of motivation is ill- conceived.
Rather than focusing on variations of material incentives, decision- makers should
think about how to motivate
people by conferring honors.
References and Further Reading
Barro, Robert J., Rachel M. McCleary, and Alexander McQuoid.
2010. “Economics of Sainthood
(a preliminary investigation).” Available online: www.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/ barro/files/Saints/% 2Bpaper/%2B020910.pdf.
Besley, Timothy.
2005. Notes on Honours. Mimeo: London
School of Economics.
Chan, Ho F., Bruno
S. Frey, Jana
Gallus, and Benno
Torgler. 2014. “Academic Honors and
Performance.” Labour Economics, Forthcoming.
Frey, Bruno S., and Jana
Gallus. 2014. “Awards
are a Special Kind of Signal.” CREMA
Working Paper Number
2014–04.
Hansen, W. Lee, and Burton A. Weisbrod. 1972.
“Toward a General
Theory of Awards,
or, do Economists
Need a Hall of Fame?” Journal of Political
Economy March–April, 422–431. Holmström,
Bengt, and Paul Milgrom. 1991.
“Multitask Principal Agent Analyses:
Incentive
Contracts, Asset
Ownership, and Job Design.” Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, January, 24–52.
Osterloh, Margit, and Bruno S. Frey. 2000.
“Motivation, Knowledge Transfer, and Organizational Forms.” Organization Science, September–October, 538–550.
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